A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.
The Second Amendment to the Constitution of the United States is among the most direct, straightforward laws every written in the English language, in any country or culture. It means precisely what it says, no more and no less.The government will not infringe upon the right of Americans to own weapons of war.
The men who wrote the Constitution and the Bill of rights were part of the most educated and intelligent group of men to assemble anywhere at any time in history, and they were all “damned rebels” who had taken up arms against a far-away tyrant. Each of these Founding Fathers meant for every American citizen to be armed with weapons of war to beat back not just frontier raiders or encroaching foreign powers, but to beat back government itself.
Tenche Cox, Pennsylvania delegate to the Continental Congress, twice explained the purpose of the Second Amendment to his fellow citizens, first writing in The Pennsylvania Gazette, on Feb. 20, 1788.
The militia of these free commonwealths, entitled and accustomed to their arms, when compared with any possible army, must be tremendous and irresistible. Who are the militia? Are they not ourselves? Is it feared, then, that we shall turn our arms each man against his own bosom. Congress have no power to disarm the militia. Their swords, and every other terrible implement of the soldier, are the birth-right of an American … the unlimited power of the sword is not in the hands of either the federal or state governments, but, where I trust in God it will ever remain, in the hands of the people.
He wrote again a year-and-a-half later:
As civil rulers, not having their duty to the people duly before them, may attempt to tyrannize, and as the military forces which must be occasionally raised to defend our country, might pervert their power to the injury of their fellow-citizens, the people are confirmed by the next article in their right to keep and bear their private arms.
Tench Coxe and the other Founders were speaking of every Democrat and Republican whocravenly crafted these unconstitutional assaults on liberty behind closed doors in the dead of night. They are cowards. They are perverts. They are petty tyrants deserving of a rope and a lamppost.
These are men and women who have betrayed the Founding Fathers, their oaths of office, and the United States of America by passing gun laws that are a direct assault on the Constitution that American patriots have fought and died for from Lexington Green in 1775, to Kandahar in 2013.
AR-15s and the standard 30-round magazines that are the basic kit for these firearms are the birthright of every law-abiding modern citizen, as are the other firearms and accoutrements of war that these craven tyrants pass unconstitutional laws against not toprotect the people against violence—they account for far less than 4% of all gun crimes, despite being the most popular firearms sold in the United States—but in an attempt toprotect themselves from a citizenry that knows the beginning of a tyranny when it sees one.
Make no mistake; they intend to be your masters.
Make no mistake; they imagine themselves your betters.
Americans trapped behind the lines in the new slave states of New York, Colorado, and Connecticut must center themselves and make a moral determination. Will they be free men and women according to the explicit intent of the Constitution and Bill of Rights, or if they will bow down to be the slaves of petty tyrants in silk suits espousing failed ideologies from nations who have always been the enemies of the Free?
Questions must be asked, and answered.
What price do you place on your children’s freedom? Is their liberty worth sacrificing your life?
If you don’t stand up to tyrants now, when will you? After the gallows floor gives way?
A revolution starts with a single spark in dry grass. If you won’t stand up, who will?
It is a grim determination each must make in their heart. In an earlier day, a man calling himself “Publius” wrote the following to Americans wrangling with those same questions in far more perilous times:
THESE are the times that try men’s souls. The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their country; but he that stands by it now, deserves the love and thanks of man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph. What we obtain too cheap, we esteem too lightly: it is dearness only that gives every thing its value. Heaven knows how to put a proper price upon its goods; and it would be strange indeed if so celestial an article as FREEDOM should not be highly rated.
I once felt all that kind of anger, which a man ought to feel, against the mean principles that are held by the Tories: a noted one, who kept a tavern at Amboy, was standing at his door, with as pretty a child in his hand, about eight or nine years old, as I ever saw, and after speaking his mind as freely as he thought was prudent, finished with this unfatherly expression, “Well! give me peace in my day.” Not a man lives on the continent but fully believes that a separation must some time or other finally take place, and a generous parent should have said, “If there must be trouble, let it be in my day, that my child may have peace;” and this single reflection, well applied, is sufficient to awaken every man to duty. Not a place upon earth might be so happy as America. Her situation is remote from all the wrangling world, and she has nothing to do but to trade with them. A man can distinguish himself between temper and principle, and I am as confident, as I am that God governs the world, that America will never be happy till she gets clear of foreign dominion. Wars, without ceasing, will break out till that period arrives, and the continent must in the end be conqueror; for though the flame of liberty may sometimes cease to shine, the coal can never expire.
Quitting this class of men, I turn with the warm ardor of a friend to those who have nobly stood, and are yet determined to stand the matter out: I call not upon a few, but upon all: not on this state or that state, but on every state: up and help us; lay your shoulders to the wheel; better have too much force than too little, when so great an object is at stake. Let it be told to the future world, that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive, that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet and to repulse it. Say not that thousands are gone, turn out your tens of thousands; throw not the burden of the day upon Providence, but “show your faith by your works,” that God may bless you. It matters not where you live, or what rank of life you hold, the evil or the blessing will reach you all. The far and the near, the home counties and the back, the rich and the poor, will suffer or rejoice alike. The heartthat feels not now is dead; the blood of his children will curse his cowardice, who shrinks back at a time when a little might have saved the whole, and made them happy. I love the man that can smile in trouble, that can gather strength from distress, and grow brave by reflection. ‘Tis the business of little minds to shrink; but he whose heart is firm, and whose conscience approves his conduct, will pursue his principles unto death. My own line of reasoning is to myself as straight and clear as a ray of light. Not all the treasures of the world, so far as I believe, could have induced me to support an offensive war, for I think it murder; but if a thief breaks into my house, burns and destroys my property, and kills or threatens to kill me, or those that are in it, and to “bind me in all cases whatsoever” to his absolute will, am I to suffer it? What signifies it to me, whether he who does it is a king or a common man; my countryman or not my countryman; whether it be done by an individual villain, or an army of them? If we reason to the root of things we shall find no difference; neither can any just cause be assigned why we should punish in the one case and pardon in the other. Let them call me rebel and welcome, I feel no concern from it; but I should suffer the misery of devils, were I to make a whore of my soul by swearing allegiance to one whose character is that of a sottish, stupid, stubborn, worthless, brutish man. I conceive likewise a horrid idea in receiving mercy from a being, who at the last day shall be shrieking to the rocks and mountains to cover him, and fleeing with terror from the orphan, the widow, and the slain of America.
There are cases which cannot be overdone by language, and this is one. There are persons, too, who see not the full extent of the evil which threatens them; they solace themselves with hopes that the enemy, if he succeed, will be merciful. It is the madness of folly, to expect mercy from those who have refused to do justice; and even mercy, where conquest is the object, is only a trick of war; the cunning of the fox is as murderous as the violence of the wolf, and we ought to guard equally against both.
“Publius” was Thomas Paine, the document from which I excerpted was The Crisis, and at stake was our liberty, still in the womb.
Today’s tyrants are betting you won’t stand and fight, that you are all too comfortable, too domesticated, too tame, and too easily enslaved. They judge you full of bluster, but of not having the grit to stand against their schemes.
Questions must be asked that will only be answered by your actions.
What do your actions say about you?